Why Trump is sending Elise Stefanik to the UN could be terrible – for her

President-elect Donald Trump announced Monday morning that he intends to nominate Rep. Elise Stefanik, RN.Y., as United States Ambassador to the United Nations. It’s a big step for the 40-year-old rising star, who first came to Parliament just a decade ago and now earns a top leadership spot.

For people with a background in diplomacy, the USUN (as the job is known in the State Department) would be a crown jewel in their career. For Stefanik, the appointment brings her closer to Trump’s orbit — at least on paper. In practice, however, accepting the job at Turtle Bay could cause her descent through the MAGA ranks to crash back to Earth.

If Stefanik takes over from current ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield — expand a number of women representing the United States in the UN Security Council and other forums – she would be at the forefront of some of the most complex challenges facing the international community, from the war in Ukraine to halting climate change to setting global rules for artificial intelligence. Stefanik is also expected to serve as chief translator for Trump administration actions during day-to-day interactions with other ambassadors.

Stefanik’s only contribution to foreign affairs lately has been her extremely vocal defense of Israel as it continues its assault on Gaza. Beyond that, her diplomatic skills may be a little atrophied. While Trump’s first ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, was the governor of South Carolina, and her successor, Kelly Craft, at least had a business background to draw on, Stefanik has spent the past several years operating with little more than Trump’s approval in mind. That skill set was built for the halls (and greenrooms) of the Capitol, not the UN headquarters.

We can also look at Haley’s tenure to get an idea of ​​what Stefanik’s run might look like. Haley was relatively isolated from the rest of the chaos of the early Trump years, for better or for worse. On the plus side, she didn’t have to put up with the infighting that took place daily. And although she apparently worked for Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo, she formed a powerhouse his own in New York. She even managed to form proper relationships with UN Secretary-General António Guterres and many of her fellow ambassadors before her departure in 2018.

The downside for Haley was that being removed from Washington also meant she had less influence over the course of the administration overall. She also could never quite say she was speaking directly for the US, not when Trump could contradict her via tweet at any time. Haley’s experience does not bode well for Stefanik, who will be peppered with questions about Trump’s intentions, and her power bases among the Washington elite and MAGA faithful will not be very helpful in negotiations with China and Russia.

The potential wrench in Stefanik’s apparent career trajectory would be the one thing most likely to cause her to balk at Trump’s offer. After she had come to Washington as a moderate Republican remade himself in the MAGA imageand impressed Trump with her aggressively fact-free defense of him during his first impeachment trial. Since his first presidency, she has continued to redeem herself at every turn, attacked the judge in his New York trial, refuses to guarantee that she would certify a Trump loss in this year’s election and try to have his impeachment expunged from the congressional record. It was pleading enough to have her among those Trump was considering being his running mate this summer.

Stefanik’s rise among the House GOP made the reasoning behind her transformation quite transparent. She was quick to pounce when the The Republicans demoted Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., from his role as chairman of the House Republican Conference for daring to say that Trump instigated the January 6 attack on the Capitol. During last year’s battle to find a new speaker, Stefanik was considering running for a promotion, potentially jumping up to House Majority Leader. Other Republicans are already jockeying on the Hill to replace Stefanik in the House leadership if the Senate confirms her next year. Her vacancy could also make it more difficult for Republicans’ potentially narrow majority to pass anything while a special election is being held in her district.

But the fact that the domestic politics of her appointment are likely to overshadow any discussion of the political implications speaks volumes for what her nomination would mean for the UN itself. Putting aside its struggles to ensure peace and security, the humanitarian work carried out by the wider UN system is vital to millions of people globally. Stefanik’s appointment suggests a lack of willingness to support these missions, especially given her desire to defund the UN’s relief work in Gaza and the West Bank. Stefanik as UN ambassador would signal a further retreat from a position of authority and leadership as she carries out her boss’s wishes to put America first.

The ambition Stefanik has shown so far makes it likely that she will continue to push herself closer to the center of power in Trump’s world. The UN ambassadorial role is a difficult post to pull off that rise, as its public-facing nature belies its distance from decision-making in Washington. She seems similarly improbable throw yourself into the role in the same way Haley did and risks tarnishing Trump’s opinion of her. And there are few things Trump hates more than a loser in his midst, which means she should at least try to show competence in diplomatic battles. It’s a balancing act that Stefanik, publicly one of MAGA’s most ardent disciples, may privately resent.